Analysis of Social Groups in Manchuria

In our national self-determination movement, the first thing we must do is distinguish the various native groups: which are enemies that must be overthrown or even eliminated, which are allies we can unite with and cooperate with, and which are compatriots who will fight side-by-side with us. Since the beginning of the Manchurian national self-determination movement, the development of members in self-determination organizations and the actual effectiveness—aside from propaganda—have either been slow or completely stagnant. The fundamental reason for this is the inability to distinguish between friends and enemies and to identify primary and secondary contradictions. Self-determination organizations often engage in infighting over minor issues, allowing the enemy to exploit the situation. Failure is certain if the policy toward various groups is unclear or if the fundamental goal is mistaken. If we pursue actual results instead of just playing lip service, we must not confuse friends and enemies. Instead, we must unite the compatriots who can be united, win over the forces that can support us, and attack the true enemy.

To be pragmatic and aim for returning to the native land through national self-determination, we must categorize the current groups in Manchuria roughly to clarify their relationships with each other and with the national self-determination movement.

Here, I have made a general classification of the social groups in present-day Manchurian society, which is organized along two dimensions. One is the national stance, and the other is social wealth. These two categories are, in fact, interrelated.

Based on the national stance, these social groups are divided into: Pro-China Faction, Democratic Faction, Independence Faction.

Based on social wealth, these social groups are divided into: Monopolistic Conglomerates, Native Propertied Class, Absolutely Poor.

Let’s first elaborate on the National Stance:

1. Pro-China Faction

In today’s Manchuria, suffering from the plunder of Chinese imperialism from within the pass and the pervasive expansion of global capitalism, pro-China individuals are the typical agents of the aggressors from within the pass and the overseas global capitalists. Most of them originally came from within the pass and are immigrants, some of whom even have their household registration still within the pass. They fall into three categories: high-ranking Communist Party officials, capitalists from within the pass, and Manchu traitors. There is little difference between them and the Chinese aggressors. They have profited under the framework of China’s reform and opening up, serving and acting as enforcers for both the bureaucratic clique from within the pass and global capitalists. They are genuine exploiters and oppressors. This group is essentially part of the ruling class from within the pass, responsible for appalling tragedies like the massive layoffs (Daxiagang) and organ harvesting. Their fundamental interests and stance are entirely opposed to those of the native people. Especially the high-ranking bureaucrats transferred from within the pass to govern and the capitalists centered in the Jiangsu-Zhejiang-Shanghai region, they consistently stand with Chinese imperialism and large global capitalists, making them undeniable aggressors and enemies. The native-born pro-China individuals are Manchu traitors who betrayed their nation. This group is almost inextricably linked with Chinese imperialism.

2. Democratic Faction

This faction constitutes the majority of those who oppose the Communist Party today, but they do not necessarily oppose southern capitalists. The reason they don’t oppose southern capitalists and Chinese imperialism is likely due to lack of exposure to national self-determination advocates or being misled by the democratic faction within the pass. They hold two completely different attitudes toward the cause of national self-determination: when persecuted by the Communist Party and opposing it, they often show aversion to the grand unification of the Chinese Empire and Chinese nationalism. They may even support the national self-determination movements of Taiwan, East Turkestan, and Tibet, seemingly subconsciously aware that a democratic Chinese Empire is impossible—democracy requires the end of the grand empire. However, when a moderate/reformist faction appears within the Communist Party, and China seemingly might Westernize, they immediately cease to oppose the Chinese Empire. They easily attribute the problems to the Communist Party or the leader as an individual. Profoundly influenced by the grand unification ideology and accepting Chinese imperialist foreign propaganda, they abandon the national self-determination cause, sometimes even treating national self-determination advocates with cynicism. They often fantasize that China can Westernize and become like the US/Europe without disintegration by adopting a democratic path. Their opinions are often inconsistent, and they have different political platforms and visions for realizing democracy and Westernization. They are the middle ground, belonging neither to the pro-China faction nor the independence faction. There are even members of the Democratic Faction who are current Communist Party members, though very few belong to the pro-China ruling clique. They are reluctant to completely discard the framework of the Chinese Empire. Some lean more toward the pro-China faction, such as Wang Zhian and Liang Hongda, while others lean more toward the independence faction, such as Guo Wengui, who advocates federalism, and Sheng Xue, who raises the banner of Manchurian independence but whose base is still among overseas democracy activists. The attempts of the Democratic Faction—to achieve Westernization and peaceful evolution, join the Western camp for political system reform, or reconstruct the Republic of China—are completely unworkable.

Given the current world situation, we face a backdrop of the collapse of the globalization system, the growing strength of localism and conservatism in various countries, and the gradual decline of Western strong powers.

The two major opposing forces in the world today are: one is the localist force, which opposes the globalized exploitation of local economies, resists the oppression of the grand unified empire, and pursues national self-determination in various regions; the other is the imperialist force, which supports the grand unified empire and global capital’s oppression of the people of the Third World, where global capitalists and dictatorial regime bureaucrats cooperate for mutual gain.

The former aims to save the small nations oppressed and exploited by globalization and to protect local enterprises and workers, while the latter colludes with autocratic, grand unified regimes for financial gain and enslaves small nations to serve as cheap labor for the globalized market.

The Democratic Faction will inevitably and rapidly divide: they will either stand with the dying globalization system and the autocratic empire, or they will awaken and join the national self-determination movement, becoming localists. Clearly, just like the democratic and moderate factions throughout history, there is no middle ground left for them in politics. Wanting both a grand unified China and a democratic China is merely a fantasy.

3. Independence Faction

This faction possesses a strong sense of local identity and national identity. The vast majority are native-born Manchurians who speak the Manchurian dialect, live the Manchurian way, and chat the Manchurian talk. This is an authentic local flavor that cannot be faked or imitated.

It is important to note that many in the Democratic Faction also call for “Manchurian independence” or “Manchurian restoration.” Those who merely chant slogans but lack or have no native attachment clearly do not belong to the Independence Faction; the majority of them also come from within the pass, not from the native land. The Independence Faction is roughly divided into the Three-Color Faction, which loudly advocates independence, and the Five-Color Faction, which advocates restoration and wants to reinstate Manchukuo. Other factions also exist but have a very small voice. Here, I must address whether “Songliaoism” belongs to the Independence Faction. This requires a pragmatic assessment: if a “Songliaoist” opposes Han ethnic identification and opposes the region within the pass, and simply believes that Songliao more accurately reflects the situation in Manchuria than “Manchuria,” then they are effectively an Independence Faction member. However, they may misunderstand the term “Manchuria,” perhaps interpreting it as referring only to “Banner people” or “Manchu people.” I will not elaborate on this here. Instead, I must offer a quick and effective way to identify the Independence Faction: their attitude toward the region within the pass. If they do not recognize Chinese nationalists from within the pass as aggressors and believe in the pseudo-ethnicity/pseudo-concept of “Manchurian Han people,” then they are absolutely not Independence Faction members.

So, what is the core of the Independence Faction? I believe it is the majority of the Native Propertied Class—those who are not part of the monopolistic conglomerates but, as native-born and native-living people, possess certain assets and economic capacity in the native land. Local small entrepreneurs, farmers, merchants, public institution personnel, and civil servants are the most representative. This is determined by the current economic environment in Manchuria. If you are a genuine Independence Faction member and a localist, your family is rooted in the native land, and you must have close economic and cultural ties to it. Because of their strong nativeness, the monopolistic conglomerates—composed of globalized conglomerates and the Communist Party’s bureaucratic clique—cannot penetrate them. They may rely on the system or run small businesses, but due to the oppression of the monopolistic conglomerates, they can never grow large, and their development space is squeezed out. This group constitutes the majority of the Manchurians and will be the backbone for the future struggle for national self-determination.

Now, let’s elaborate from the perspective of Social Wealth.

1. Monopolistic Conglomerates

This group overlaps with the aforementioned Pro-China Faction. The Pro-China Faction is certainly bound to or controlled by the interests of the Monopolistic Conglomerates. However, the scope of the Monopolistic Conglomerates is even broader than the Pro-China Faction because it also includes the financial consortia of global capitalists, which I term “New Imperialism.”

Definition of Imperialism: Imperialism is a political stance or practice primarily involving a state establishing economic and political hegemony over others by seizing their territory and subjugating their people. In occupied countries, the majority are exploited, and only a tiny minority benefits. Undoubtedly, this is the political stance of China from within the pass toward Manchuria, which is outside the pass.

But what is “new” about “New Imperialism”? It’s that today’s imperialism is interconnected and even transcends allegiance to a single powerful nation, unlike the old imperialism. Instead, it’s an interest group led by numerous Fortune 500 companies and global billionaires, colluding with various governments to oppress the interests of local people in different regions. The concept of “empire” has extended from the former nation-state empire to commercial empires and interest groups. This new form of imperialism was not foreseen by earlier left-wing revolutionaries. History has proven that imperialism can emerge regardless of whether the ideology is left or right. Just as the Soviet Union was a social imperialist state, the current People’s Republic of China also claims to practice socialism but is simultaneously a great threat and the largest imperialist power in Asia for the small nations in the region. The essence of imperialism is the oppression of native peoples worldwide by external entities for profit. New Imperialism no longer emphasizes direct political control over a region; politically, it often happily cooperates with local autocratic and dictatorial regimes. Instead, it emphasizes economic control over the region. For example, New Imperialist consortia cooperate with governments and private comprador enterprises in the Jiangsu-Zhejiang-Shanghai and Guangdong-Shenzhen areas of southern China. The former provides capital, and the latter provides labor and raw materials for mutual profit. Their profits are undoubtedly built upon the sacrifice of people in other colonized and oppressed regions. Areas like Jiangsu-Zhejiang-Shanghai operate the factories of New Imperialist compradors to process raw materials for sale to developed countries, getting progressively wealthier in the chain of profit, while regions like Manchuria become increasingly impoverished. The labor force, already insufficient due to the one-child policy, is now even further depleted. The future prospect is clear: the comprador groups in areas like Jiangsu-Zhejiang-Shanghai will grow richer, and Manchuria and numerous other colonized regions will grow poorer.

This is the essence of China’s advertised “common prosperity.” “Common prosperity” clearly does not refer to the common prosperity between regions or between people but the common prosperity between overseas financial consortia and the CPC bureaucratic clique.

The Monopolistic Conglomerates will also be staunchly pro-China, as autocratic regimes are the most efficient at subjugating people and most capable of plundering resources from other regions, inevitably making them the most favored by New Imperialist consortia. The Monopolistic Conglomerates are the mortal enemies of Manchurian national self-determination advocates and localists. We must overthrow them and change the current situation of exploitation and oppression of the native people.

2. Native Propertied Class

The Native Propertied Class constitutes the largest demographic group in Manchuria today and is the core of the Manchurian people. What is the propertied class? It is easily understood: those with assets. For example, farmers with land use rights, merchants with shops, enterprises with factories, and urban residents with housing and cars can all be considered propertied. Why the special emphasis on the word “Native”? This is to distinguish them from the Monopolistic Conglomerates, because any non-Native propertied person is inevitably within the scope of the Monopolistic Conglomerates.

For instance, a person who comes from within the pass has no identity with the Manchurian nation, even despises Manchurians and local culture, and longs for the region within the pass. Such a person is a firm Chinese imperialist. They might not have many assets and may just be a worker, but they cannot not belong to the Monopolistic Conglomerates, and they will absolutely support them. Although such people are not bureaucrats or capitalists, they firmly stand with Chinese imperialism, opposing the native people. They are undoubtedly a part of the Monopolistic Conglomerates, even if assetless, they are its enforcers and aggressors. Such a person clearly cannot be considered part of the Native Propertied Class or a Manchurian.

There is no Native Propertied Class within the Pro-China Faction, but there is within the Democratic Faction. Because the Democratic Faction’s stance is unstable, a large portion of them have a local consciousness and even oppose the Pan-Chinese Imperialism. However, they are confused about whether the independence cause can succeed, whether life will improve after independence, or they lack a clear understanding of the national question, failing to recognize that the Monopolistic Conglomerates from within the pass are the chief culprits behind the local economic and livelihood issues. We should actively guide these people to participate in the national self-determination movement, striving to transform them into Independence Faction compatriots. Instead of discarding them by labeling them “Chinese” or “Chinese pro-democracy activists,” we must adopt a moderate and friendly attitude to change their thinking and strengthen their local identity.

As for the Independence Faction members of the Native Propertied Class—such as entrepreneurs, workers, farmers, merchants, system personnel, military personnel, and government officials from all walks of life who possess strong, simple affection for the native land—we should enthusiastically invite them to join our organization and develop them into the backbone of the national self-determination cause. Their backgrounds and specialties may differ, but we can learn from all of them and have them propagate the idea of national self-determination in all sectors of society, calling upon our broad compatriots to engage in the national struggle.

Here, I will use three sectors as examples:

• a. Workers who are part of the Independence Faction: We should have them develop members within local workers’ groups, even forming pro-homeland labor unions to fight against the capitalists from within the pass within the Monopolistic Conglomerates.
• b. Entrepreneurs who are part of the Independence Faction: We should give them strong support to make their businesses more competitive in the market, encourage local brands and local people to start businesses, and create a favorable business environment for them, engaging in commercial competition against the hostile enterprises of the Monopolistic Conglomerates to defeat the enemy in business warfare.
• c. Military personnel who are part of the Independence Faction: We should have them develop members within the military, such as promoting localist ideas to friends, relatives, and comrades, and inviting them to participate in the national self-determination movement, developing them into the indispensable armed force for future armed struggle against the Monopolistic Conglomerates.

Historical results have proven that the Communist notion of “class struggle” theory has failed. Class struggle cannot defeat imperialism; on the contrary, many socialist regimes, even after achieving victory in class struggle, ultimately become the dragon they sought to slay, transforming into social imperialist states themselves. The Soviet Union preached national equality but, in reality, implemented policies of racial segregation and genocide against the Baltic people and the Ukrainians. The political core of the Soviet Union was also firmly held by Russians. Historically, the Communist International also held prejudices against East Asians. National differences are objective facts. The only way to truly defeat imperialism is through national self-determination for the subjugated nations. The class community envisioned by Communists does not exist, just as competition is fiercer between Manchurian entrepreneurs and entrepreneurs from within the pass, and between Manchurian workers and workers from within the pass in the labor market. However, between Manchurian entrepreneurs and Manchurian workers, their interests are mutual because they live on the same black soil. If Manchurian enterprises develop well, Manchurian workers will naturally prosper as well. It is difficult for people living in the same region, sharing the same land, to engage in mutual harm; this is the power of regional and national community, and the only force capable of defeating the New Imperialist forces and the Monopolistic Conglomerates.

3. Absolutely Poor

This group consists of the impoverished households in our native society. Why doesn’t “Absolutely Poor” include the word “Native”? Because the Absolutely Poor class in native Manchuria are certainly the Manchurians who suffer the most, and their plight is the ultimate destination for the Native Propertied Class if they fail to resist the Chinese Imperialist Monopolistic Conglomerates.

It is impossible for the Absolutely Poor class from within the pass to come to Manchuria to seek a living; if they seek a living, they go to Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou, or Shenzhen. The Absolutely Poor class in Manchuria are undoubtedly our compatriots. They are the most tragic victims of the Monopolistic Conglomerates’ economic plunder and colonial rule, mostly concentrated outside the cities. They harbor intense hatred for the exploiters. In fact, they are more easily fueled with the belief in struggle than the Propertied Class. The first reason for this is that participating in the national self-determination movement is an excellent opportunity for them to rise up and gain control of their own destiny. The second reason is that they have been persecuted and attacked by the Monopolistic Conglomerates for a long time. They have lost their property, and no matter what appeasement strategy is adopted within the existing system, they cannot change their situation. They are subjected to extremely cruel treatment by the Monopolistic Conglomerates, so they possess a fighting spirit and courage that is uncommon.

We should provide the greatest possible assistance to this group and adopt a friendly and intimate attitude to communicate with them, helping them realize that the cause of their poverty is not the Propertied Class of Manchuria but the Monopolistic Conglomerates. Only by overthrowing the Monopolistic Conglomerates and achieving the independence and freedom of the Manchurian nation can they rise up and lead a better life. Independence Faction members should lead by example, maintaining a good image among the Absolutely Poor, genuinely looking out for their interests, and boosting their fighting enthusiasm so that they can obtain their necessities in the struggle against the Monopolistic Conglomerates from within the pass. As a self-determination organization, we must be inclusive toward the Absolutely Poor. We should promote and reward those with a strong native belonging and a positive attitude toward the national self-determination cause, enabling them to encourage those around them to join the national self-determination movement.

In summary, it can be seen that our enemies are the Chinese imperialists from the Pro-China Faction and the Monopolistic Conglomerates, an interest community composed of capitalists from within the pass, high-ranking bureaucrats from within the pass, and overseas financial capital. Regarding the Democratic Faction, we must always guard against them colluding with Chinese imperialism, while also using a moderate attitude to guide them toward becoming the Independence Faction. The core of our national self-determination movement is the Native Propertied Class of the Independence Faction; we must analyze specific issues in a concrete manner, enabling them to play a role in all social strata. Furthermore, we must consider and guide the Absolutely Poor, striving to also make them a solid force in the national self-determination movement.